Mechatronics Education and International Stability: The Development of University-level Education Programmes in Advanced Engineering in Kosovo

P. Kopacek , ... L. Stapleton , in Improving Stability in Developing Nations through Automation 2006, 2006

2.1 Mechatronics in Kosovo

A number of well-educated economically-disadvantaged so-called "second" and "third" world societies have recognised the potential of developing a knowledge economy from a low level of development. It is readily apparent that similar opportunities exist for Kosovo, once socio-economic and political stability has been achieved.

However, social and political stability does not, in itself, deliver prosperity or inculcate hope. Kosovan administration must carefully plan and set in place structures which will enable sustainable economic activity to emerge and flourish. Consequently, it is evident that there is a need to focus upon higher education as a pre-requisite for sustainable growth and stability, and, in particular, a focus upon emerging disciplines in the field of high technology is very important in developing a skill-based for potential, future inward investment. Mechatronics provides a particularly appropriate discipline given a number of key opportunities and potentials in Kosovo:

1.

Given the richness of geology in the region there is real potential for a well-developed mining industry using the latest automation systems, many of which utilise mechatronics systems

2.

The principles of mechatronics are readily transferable to advanced manufacturing systems (a limited but none-the-less strong industrial base remains in the territory)

3.

Mechatronics is an aspect of the knowledge economy which has received little attention in western universities, in spite of the enormous potential for products, services and entrepreneurial activity in this space.

The problem with mechatronics is that it is inherently interdisciplinary, combining both electronics, computing and mechanical engineering. Furthermore, a graduate of a mechatronics programme will require a set of skills and competencies that are more complex than traditional engineering programmes, in order to operate effectively in technology-driven initiatives in this space (Valenti, 1996). Thirdly, the lessons of countries such as the Republic of Ireland indicate that simply educating people in advanced technologies is not enough. An enterprise culture, along with strong management disciplines, is also necessary for emerging economies where existing opportunities may be few.

All this suggests a new type of degree programme, requiring a non-traditional approach to curriculum development in engineering and advanced technology. This in turn implies a new approach to the development of higher education interdisciplinary programmes.

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Peace, Definitions and Concepts of*

Christopher Pieper , in Encyclopedia of Violence, Peace, & Conflict (Second Edition), 2008

Peace Through Modes of Social Control

A reliable degree of social stability may be achieved through active yet subtle mechanisms typically classified as methods of social control. K E Boulding called attention to three modes of social control: threat, trade, and integration. Threat of punishment to insure compliance characterizes authoritarian rule; trade (exchange of resources, reciprocation of services, etc.) is the main mode of cooperation in market-dominated societies; integration insures cooperation by inducing identification of self with others. A Etzioni called the same three types of social control coercive, contractual, and normative. Assessment of the relative importance and reliability of these three modes determines one's conception of a permanently peaceful society.

The social orders of both ancient Sparta and the antebellum South, based on chattel slavery maintained by threat, were conspicuously free from massive overt violence. Galtung calls this mode of control "structural violence." Note that the designation of the relation between top dogs and underdogs as "negative peace" is consistent with the definition of negative peace as the absence both of war, that is, of large-scale elaborately organized violence, and of (voluntary) cooperation.

Social control based on trade is relatively free from internal violence, either overt or structural. It is frequently pointed out that 'democratic countries' no longer make war on each other. 'Democracy' is often implicitly identified with the primacy of a market economy, and the latter with growing prosperity, presumably an antidote to addiction to war. The inadequacy of the trade system as a foundation for positive peace is revealed in the same integration–polarization dialectic that has characterized the merging of political units. Unimpeded pervasion and growth of market economy, now called globalization, is accompanied by a conspicuously growing gap between the rich and the poor, particularly between developed and undeveloped countries. Wars to either foster democracy and free markets or defend against purported imminent threats to them have become the norm in US foreign policy, but with limited success, as evidenced in Vietnam and Iraq. Thus the planet may be heading toward a global negative peace with all the dangers that it entails.

There remains the integrative model of the world order as the foundation of positive peace. It is interesting to recall that "integration" replaced "love" in Boulding's trichotomy. Perhaps he felt that reference to "love" was not quite proper in scientific discourse. Whether it is or not, it is not quite proper in the present context. It implies integration but is not implied by it. We normally love our children. We nourish and protect them, not because they threaten with reprisals if we do not and not because they pay us for our services, but simply because they are our children. The term 'love' fits in this context. In a fully cooperative society, every person's fundamental needs are provided for – safety, well-being, dignity, freedom – again neither in consideration of payment nor in response to threats, but simply because the person is a member of society; in the globally integrated cooperative society a member of the human race. However, 'love', as this word is commonly understood is not a motivating factor. Indeed, it is possible to love only a few persons. 'Civility' describes more accurately the attitude of people toward each other (including total strangers) in a society where each person and each collective is regarded as a potential cooperator rather than a potential rival, competitor, or enemy. In economic terms, civility implies the widest possible access by every one in equal degree to public goods; that is, goods to which everyone is entitled regardless of power status or ability to pay. It is only in this respect that 'civility' and 'love' intersect.

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Learnmaths: A Case Study of the Development of Learning Software to Support Social Inclusion

M.A. Hersh , L. Stapleton , in Improving Stability in Developing Nations through Automation 2006, 2006

1 BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT

One of the main prerequisites for social stability is a stable environment in which people can live together in peace. This paper takes the view that social inclusion at the margins is a particularly important aspect of social stability. From the point of view of engineering researchers this means prioritising the needs of people who are marginalised by existing social structures, as well as involving them in the design process.

The term "social inclusion" is being increasingly used in European and other policy to express a belonging to and involvement in society and an ability to access goods and services and educational and employment opportunities. It is important because many people experience social exclusion and marginalisation due to a range of factors, including poverty, disability, sexual orientation, gender, ethnic origin and immigration status. This has costs to society as well as the individual, as people are forced into a position of dependency rather than being empowered to obtain education, training and employment and contribute to society. Many industrial societies have falling birthrights and ageing populations (Hersh, 2006), giving a need for an influx of younger people to work. However rather than welcoming asylum seekers, many of whom are of working age and have good qualifications, the richer and less unstable countries, which are a minority destination for asylum seekers (Hersh, 2006), detain and deport them. At the individual level, excluded and marginalised individuals experience poverty and discrimination, as well as diminished feelings of self-respect and self-worth.

Diversity contributes to the wealth of society and there is even recognition that having a diverse workforce will contribute to a firm's profitability and competitiveness (Bertuglia, 1994). One aspect of diversity is differences in skills and abilities, learning strategies and cognitive processes, as well as areas of learning disability. There is increasing recognition of the learning disability dyslexia, despite some continuing controversy as to whether or not it really exists, and some progress has been made in developing learning approaches and technologies to support people with dyslexia. However less attention has been given to mathematics learning disabilities.

Many everyday activities such as shopping, budgeting and decorating a room require basic numeracy skills. Adults who experience difficulties in telling the time or knowing what coins and notes they need to pay for something may feel inadequate and isolated, considering the fault to be in themselves rather than society. Numeracy skills also facilitate access to computers and the internet. More advanced mathematical skills are required for many careers and scientific and technical education at all levels. Particular difficulties in acquiring these skills are encountered by people with (specific) learning disabilities, such as dyscalculia and dyslexia, leading to potential disadvantage both with regards to everyday activities and education and career opportunities.

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Moral Development, Cultural Differences in

Klaus Helkama , Florencia M. Sortheix , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second Edition), 2015

The Moral Domain

Morality has two functions: to promote ideals and justice, and to maintain social stability. Among the classics in psychology and sociology, Piaget and Weber stressed the former, Freud and Durkheim the latter function. The current dominant definition of the moral domain ( Haidt, 2012) includes six moral foundations: harm/care (not hurting anybody, caring for the weak), liberty (freedom from oppression), fairness/reciprocity (equal treatment of all), ingroup/loyalty (not betraying one's group, being proud of the history of one's country), authority/respect (showing respect for authority), and purity/sanctity (not violating standards of decency). The first three foundations are, roughly, related to the promotion function of morality, the three latter to its prevention function. Another taxonomy of moral ideologies is Shweder et al.'s (1997) 'big three': Ethic of autonomy (corresponds to Haidt's care, liberty, and fairness), community (ingroup and authority), and divinity (purity). Obviously, the foundations could be in conflict, for instance, in a choice between ingroup loyalty and honesty. In line with the two opposite functions of morality, politically conservative people in the United States emphasize the three foundations related to stability (loyalty, authority, and purity), whereas liberals stress the change-oriented harm and fairness foundations.

Values, abstract, general, desirable goals, represent what is most important in life. They are the foundations based on which people live and relate to others (Schwartz, 1992). Studies relying on Schwartz's (1992) value model suggest that there is also universal agreement that some values are moral. His model postulates 10 universal values. They can be described in terms of a circular structure with two dimensions, self-enhancement – self-transcendence and conservation – openness to change. Values relate in consistent ways to moral foundations (Boer and Fischer, 2013). Benevolence is regarded as a moral value in widely different cultures (Vauclair, 2010), and is positively associated with all five moral foundations among more than 34 000 respondents from all over the world (Graham et al., 2011). Conformity and tradition-related values (self-discipline, politeness, honoring of parents and elders; being devout, respect for tradition) are related to the two foundations of authority, and purity (Boer and Fischer, 2013), possibly also to ingroup (Sverdlik et al., 2012), see Table 1.

Table 1. The moral domain in different psychological approaches

Schwartz's values Self-direction, universalism, benevolence Conformity Tradition
Haidt's Moral foundations Liberty, fairness, care Ingroup/loyalty, authority/respect Purity
Schweder's 'big three' Autonomy Community Divinity

Except for benevolence, the moral domain varies across cultures. Conformity and tradition are more often regarded as moral values in less wealthy than in affluent countries, whereas universalism values (e.g., broadmindedness, equality, world peace, social justice, protecting environment) and even some self-direction values (freedom) are regarded as moral values more often in wealthy individualistic than in poor collectivistic countries (Sverdlik et al., 2012; Vauclair, 2010).

Morality is neither sociologically nor psychologically a coherent system. Max Weber pointed out in 1918 that our conceptions of justice involve a fundamental antinomy or incompatibility, between egalitarianism and merit. Neuropsychological research shows that we regard it as right to kill one person by turning a switch in order to save five people, but regard it as wrong to kill one person by pushing him from a bridge to save five persons. The thought of pushing another activates the 'old' regions in our brain, whereas the thought of turning the switch activates the 'new' parts of the brain.

However, there are universally shared moral intuitions, for instance, that dishonesty is wrong. Vauclair and Fischer (2011) reviewed responses of more than 200 000 people from 84 countries to the 'morally debatable behaviors' scale, used in the World Value Survey since 1981. By means of multilevel analyses they found that there was very little variation across cultures or across individuals in the opinion that such 'dishonest and illegal' acts as accepting a bribe were wrong. By contrast, there was a great deal cross-cultural as well as within-culture variation with regard to 'personal and sexual' acts like abortion, homosexuality, or divorce.

Moral development is here defined as any change in a morally relevant psychological variable that occurs in human beings as they age. Culture is here seen as the primary mode of human adaptation, which reflects the demands of the ecological, demographic, and institutional environment, as well as historical experiences. Culture and development are intertwined in many senses. Culture sets the developmental tasks for individuals and largely defines developmental pathways of development.

A hunting and gathering culture is egalitarian and low in conformity, often with benevolent attitudes to outgroups. A culture adapted to an agrarian socioeconomic environment is organized by the dimension of relatedness, where the individual is part of the social system, defined by cooperation, acceptance of hierarchy, striving for harmonious relationships. A culture, adapted to an urban socioeconomic postindustrial environment, is organized by the dimension of autonomy; the individual is self-contained in a social system defined by a mixture of competition and cooperation, and plurality of values. We examine sociocultural contexts that range from countries and geographic areas to smaller units such as professions or families. In characterizing those contexts, the focus will be on the dimensions of relatedness – expressed by autonomy vs. embeddedness (Schwartz, 2008) – and hierarchy – egalitarianism (expressed by Schwartz's and Hofstede's well-known dimensions) as well as economic affluence of the social unit.

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Civil Society, Concept and History of

H. Islamoglu , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second Edition), 2015

Civil Society and the Liberal State

Political and academic debates of the nineteenth century addressed the question of how to achieve social stability in market societies where the logic of economic activity overrode moral and political concerns regarding equity. Civil, or liberal, society was perceived as a domain shaped by or reformed through the practices of a central state representing the public interest. This constitutes a major departure from eighteenth century thinking. On the one hand, civil society, its actors, its activities, and the economic relations that characterized it, were viewed as inseparable from their legal and administrative formulations. This resulted in the creation of legal entities including trade unions, corporations, and family, and of voluntary and charitable associations, which, while autonomous from the state, remained within the bounds of its administrative–legal vision ( Neocleous, 1996). On the other hand, the state, 'objectified' in its administrative and legal practices, was understood to stand apart from civil society and to mediate divergent interests and needs.

From the perspective of the English utilitarians, most notably Jeremy Bentham (1748–1832), and of the German social economist Lorenz von Stein (1815–90), civil society, or the market economy of the political economists, needed to be actively constituted. It was not enough simply to remove the obstacles of obsolete privilege and restrictive policies of mercantilism of the ancien régime. For Bentham, the new economic order required positive state intervention, and government was inseparable from an "art of directing the national industry to purposes to which it may be directed with greatest advantage." Von Stein, agreeing with Hegel's perception of civil society as a site of conflict and oppression, identified the 'social problem' as the main obstacle to economic progress. Progress required a market economy, or civil society; however, the injustices and inequalities it generated must be ameliorated through the state's administrative activity. The creation of social citizenship and the active participation of the citizen in the state's decision making were central to this process (Pasquino, 1981). Thus, civil society represented an outcome of collective struggles and clashes among divergent interests that were mediated through the state's administrative practices, so that for von Stein, as for Bentham, the state was not the Rechtsstaat ('rule of law' state) that stood outside civil society, but the Sozialstaat (social state) representing a process whereby society was continuously formed and reformed.

Not all observers of nineteenth-century Europe saw the centralized administrative state as the liberator of civil society. Conservative Romantics rejected the notion of the state or politics shaping society and assigned self-policing power to society and church. Alexis de Tocqueville (1805–59) in his De la democratie en Amerique (1835–40) saw the real danger to modern society in the new despotism of the all-pervasive state administrations rather than in class conflicts. Anticipating his fellow Frenchman, Michel Foucault (1926–84), de Tocqueville pointed to the administrative suffocation of civil society as evidenced in the state's monopoly of public education, health care, and social services to the poor and unemployed that subjected all aspects of citizens' lives to state scrutiny (Keane, 1988). De Tocqueville stressed the importance of voluntary associations in placing checks on administrative despotism by providing the services that people expected from government, thus preempting government intervention in civil society. Recalling the ideas of the Scottish Enlightenment, de Tocqueville saw voluntary associations as generating and expressing community civic values.

Civil society all but disappeared from political and academic debates in the late nineteenth century and the period following World War I, a time of slackening economic growth, rising working-class activism, imperial rivalries, and wars, which witnessed the displacement of political power from state administrations to major organized groups in society. The European welfare states, heirs to the liberal states, increasingly became sites for centralized and bureaucratic bargaining among political parties, labor unions, and business cartels vying for economic and political power and blurring the distinction between state and civil society, public and private (Maier, 1987).

Antonio Gramsci (1891–1937), leader of the Italian Communist Party, represented a notable exception to the lack of interest in the notion of civil society in the post-World War I era. He reformulated the Marxist–Hegelian understanding of civil society in terms of the corporatist Zeitgeist of Italy in the 1920s. For Gramsci, civil society was not merely the sphere of individual needs but also of organizations where the hegemony of the ruling class and consent to that rule was negotiated. In this sense, civil society comprised not only all material (economic) but also political and cultural relations. While Marx insisted on separation between state and society, Gramsci held the two were interrelated. Hegemony, which was basic to Gramsci's notion of civil society, presupposed 'interpretations' of the economic structure, that is, the political and cultural mediation of different interests (Bobbio, 1988). In that sense, Gramsci had a kindred spirit in Hegel rather than Marx.

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Economic Growth and Income (Re)distribution

Rongxing Guo , in Understanding the Chinese Economies, 2013

8.5 Summary

Since the fall of the socialist system in 1990, old institutions which had provided a degree of economic and social stability to society have been rapidly destroyed and new market-oriented ideologies have spread rapidly throughout the economic environment of the former Soviet Union. By the late 1990s, however, while many elements of a formal market-based framework had been established, its implementation was often weak. The enforcement of new laws and regulations has been constrained by the presence of old informal institutions – the strong bureaucracy, the weak respect for law, informal networking, and other social factors, which were historically rooted in the behavior of the Soviet society. As a result the speed and sequencing of the economic reforms, which were important at the beginning of the transition, seem to be becoming less important in comparison with the necessity of institutional transformation.

During the twentieth century the failure of the centrally planned economies (CPEs) to keep pace with their market-oriented counterparts demonstrated clearly enough that planning entire economies at the central government level is not a productive path to long-term development. But the experiences of East Asia, especially of Japan, South Korea, and China make clear that it is possible for a country to have an interventionist government and still enjoy extremely rapid economic growth over a period of decades. Nevertheless, certain policies that helped Japan develop in the 1950s and 1960s, generated growth in East Asia in the 1970s and 1980s, and, more recently, sparked China's economic boom from the 1980s onwards, were specific to the time and place. However, they may not have worked well in other countries, nor are they likely to be appropriate in the time to come.

After the introduction of economic reform China experienced a period of rapid economic growth, accompanied by increased levels of income. As a result, China's rapid economic growth has sharply improved Chinese living standards and helped raise hundreds of millions of people out of extreme poverty.

Prior to the reform, China was an egalitarian society in terms of income distribution. In the initial stage of the reform, the policy of 'letting some people get rich first' was adopted to overcome egalitarianism in income distribution, to promote efficiency with strong incentives and ultimately to realize common prosperity based on an enlarged pie. But this policy has quickly increased income gaps between different groups of people. Compared with other countries, China's Gini coefficients have been very high, only being lower than those of a few nations in Latin America and Africa.

While China's reform has been a strong driver of its economic growth, it has also caused a series of socioeconomic problems. However, the level of income inequality has also increased dramatically during recent decades and the reduction of poverty is still a considerable challenge in China. China's income inequality can be further analyzed in terms of provincial components and their determinants can, in turn, be identified. An analysis of within-country regional inequality can reveal the effects of openness, marketization, and convergence due to factor mobility, and it may also indicate regional polarization, or disintegration and widening inequality driven by structural differences between regions, issues that will be discussed in Chapter 9. Furthermore, it is important to consider heterogeneity in income inequality in terms of both its level and its development over time, as well as different characteristics of sub-group dimensions (we will discuss this issue in a case study later in this chapter).

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Introduction

Jane A. Bullock , ... Damon P. Coppola , in Introduction to Homeland Security (Fourth Edition), 2013

At the same time, concerns continue to be raised on the impacts of illegal and legal immigration on the economic and social stability of our communities, especially along the border areas that consume the activities of the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). The Coast Guard (CG) is vigilant in maintaining territorial waters and safety and security at our ports that are of the highest priority to ensure homeland commerce can continue.

Galveston Island, TX, September 20, 2008 – The U.S. Coast Guard patrol boat USCGC Manowar continues missions in the intercoastal waterway after Hurricane Ike.

 (Photo by Jocelyn Augustino/FEMA)

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Family, The

C. Ulanowsky , in Encyclopedia of Applied Ethics (Second Edition), 1998

Marriage

Traditionally, marriage has been linked with particular rights concerning sexuality and procreation; it has been instrumental in ensuring economic and social stability within the family, and it has provided a legal basis for the control and transmission of property. From the nineteenth century onward, however, in Western industrialized countries, wage-earning opportunities outside the home and the locational requirements of these, plus changing norms and values around sexuality, have released individuals from the strictures of extended family and community with regard to choice of spouse and the management of households. So the modern marriage in Western culture has become a conjugal affair, with partner love and compatibility seen as primarily important and as part of an overall quest for individual self-fulfillment.

With a situation in the United States and increasingly in Western Europe where almost half of all marriages are expected to end in divorce and, as part of a growing fluidity in relational structures, an increasing number of couples are opting to cohabit outside marriage. However, because most cohabitees share property, and often children, if the relationship should break down, the situation may well equate with legal marriage in terms of the emotional, material, and social costs, and also in its impact on children. However, research would indicate a lower level of commitment within cohabiting relationship compared with marriage.

It is the case in present-day Western society that cohabitation has been perceptively legitimized, from 'living in sin' to an acceptable domestic and sexual arrangement that in some cases replaces engagement as a prelude to marriage. While logic might suggest that this would provide opportunity for a couple to explore their partnership in helpful ways before full commitment, so leading to a more successful marriage, often the opposite is the case. For unions that began as cohabitation are more than twice as likely to dissolve within the first 10 years, compared with all marriage. A variety of reasons are suggested for this phenomenon.

There is a growing incidence, particularly in the United States, for couples to stake out what they expect of each other prior to marriage. 'Prenuptial contracts' mark out expectations of personal behavior within the relationship, and practical outcomes will be detailed in the event the marriage does not work out. It appears that the optimism, confidence, and trust usually expected of those contemplating marriage are missing here, although some interpret a growth in prenuptial contracts as part of a new realism about an increasing gap between what adults aspire to and what they feel they might actually achieve in their intimate relationships.

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Introduction

In Introduction to Homeland Security (Sixth Edition), 2021

At the same time, issues related to the impacts of illegal and legal immigration, especially in terms of the economic and social stability of American communities, continue to emerge. These concerns are most acute in the border communities where the bulk of DHS land-based interdiction efforts occur. The Coast Guard is vigilant in maintaining territorial waters and safety and security at our ports that are of the highest priority to ensure that homeland commerce can continue.

Hurricanes Maria and Irma disrupted the operations of thousands of manufacturers in Puerto Rico (pictured) and Florida.

 Photo by Yuisa Rios/FEMA.

US Coast Guard Investigative Service agents provide disaster relief supplies, food rations, and water to victims of Hurricane Maria at Rio Grande, Puerto Rico, on September 28, 2017.

 Photo by Petty Officer third Class Davide Flores/USCG District 7.

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Internet speech

Guosong Shao , in Internet Law in China, 2012

The scope of freedom of speech

Freedom of speech is constitutionally protected as a fundamental right in many countries. The major arguments for free speech include enhancing democracy, preserving social stability, discovering truth, and advancing autonomy. 4 However, there is also little disagreement that freedom of speech is not absolute, and that protection of free speech does not extend to situations in which one's speech impinges upon the legal interests and rights of other citizens and of society. This leaves room for the government to establish the scope of freedom of speech. In the United States, for example, an important solution to the scope of free speech is the categorical approach. The Supreme Court has indicated that there are three levels of protection for speech, which were summarized by Justice John Paul Stevens in R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul. He wrote in a concurring opinion: "our First Amendment decisions have created a rough hierarchy in the constitutional protection of speech. Core political speech occupies the highest, most protected position; commercial speech and non-obscene, sexually explicit speech are regarded as a sort of second-class expression; obscenity and fighting words receive the least protection of all." 5 Theoretically, defining categories of most protected, less protected, and unprotected speech provides greater guidance than a system in which almost all speech cases have to be reviewed on a case-by-case basis. But there is a great deal of debate about why some categories of speech are protected while others are not. There is also a recurring problem of whether the Court's definitions of the categories are sufficiently specific and applicable.

In China, while the Constitution provides protection for freedom of speech, it also stipulates that the exercise by citizens of their freedoms and rights may not infringe upon the interests of the state, society, and other citizens. This is a basic principle which citizens are required to comply with in their exercise of the right to free speech. Explicating this provision, China has set up a wide range of restrictions on the freedom of speech for the purposes of protecting individual, social, and national interests. These restrictions are contained in such regulations as the Regulations for the Administration of Audio-Visual Products (enacted in 1994), the Regulations for the Administration of Broadcasting and Television (1997), the Regulations for the Administration of the Printing Industry (1997), the Regulations on Publication Administration (enacted in 1997, revised in 2002), and the Decision of the NPC Standing Committee on Safeguarding Internet Security (2000). Under these regulations, the following content is prohibited from being published or disseminated:

1.

Anything that goes against the basic principles determined by the Constitution;

2.

Anything that endangers the unification, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of the country;

3.

Anything that endangers state security, reputation and interests;

4.

Anything that instigates national separatism, infringes on the customs and habits of minority nationalities and disrupts solidarity of nationalities;

5.

Anything that discloses state secrets;

6.

Anything that publicizes pornography and superstition or plays up violence, endangers social ethics and the fine traditions of national culture; and

7.

Anything that insults or slanders others.

The "basic principles determined by the Constitution" listed above in item 1 refer generally to the four cardinal principles that China must adhere to, namely, the socialist road, the people's democratic dictatorship, the leadership of the Communist Party, and Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. These principles were proposed in 1979 by Deng Xiaoping, the general architect of China's reform and opening up, and adopted in the Chinese Constitution in 1982. Thus, any speech that attempts to challenge such core principles will be found to be in violation of Chinese law. Items 2, 3, 4, and 5 above all concern national security. In Chinese political culture, national security, honor, and interests are traditionally considered more important than individual rights and freedom; so speech that may endanger national interests or incite the overthrow of the government is strictly restricted by Chinese law. In essence, the prohibited content in item 1 also concerns national security, since opposing the four core principles is essentially about opposing the existing political system. Item 6 concerns social order. Any act of disseminating pornography, cults, superstition, gambling, and violence is prohibited by Chinese law. The last item concerns personal rights and reputation. This right is relatively new, but has been increasingly acknowledged by Chinese law.

Moreover, China's Criminal Law, General Principles of the Civil Law and other basic laws all include provisions on the scope of free speech. In order to safeguard national security, for example, the Criminal Law makes it a crime to incite secession, ethnic hatred and discrimination, the overthrow of the government, and violent resistance to the enforcement of laws and regulations. In order to maintain social order, the Criminal Law also makes it a crime to disseminate pornography, organize and make use of cults, superstition, and secret societies to undermine the implementation of state laws and administrative regulations. In addition, the tort provisions in the General Principles of the Civil Law are often used to protect the reputation of individuals and organizations.

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